Tomorrow is election day in the United States. Stop the Cap! has reviewed both presidential candidates’ positions (or the lack thereof) as well as the past voting records and platforms of members of both major political parties. With this in mind, it is time for our election guide for broadband enthusiasts. Regardless of what candidate you support, please get out and vote!

Neither political party or candidate has been perfect on broadband advocacy or consumer protection.

We’ve been disappointed by the Obama Administration, whose FCC chairman has major problems standing up to large telecom companies and their friends in the Republican-led House of Representatives. Julius Genachowski promised a lot and delivered very little on broadband reform policies that protect both consumers and the open Internet. Both President Obama and Genachowski’s rhetoric simply have not matched the results.

Bitterly disappointing moments included Genachowski’s cave-in on Net Neutrality, leaving watered down net protections challenged in court by some of the same companies that praised Genachowski’s willingness to compromise. Genachowski’s thank you card arrived in the form of a lawsuit. His unwillingness to take the common sense approach of defining broadband as a “telecommunications service” has left Internet policies hanging by a tenuous thread, waiting to be snipped by the first D.C. federal judge with a pair of sharp scissors. But even worse, the FCC chairman’s blinders on usage caps and usage billing have left him unbelievably naive about this pricing scheme. No, Mr. Genachowski, usage pricing is not about innovation, it’s about monetizing broadband usage for even fatter profits at the expense of average consumers already overpaying for Internet access.

Obama

Unfortunately, the alternative choice may be worse. Let’s compare the two parties and their candidates:

The Obama Administration treats broadband comparably to alternative energy. Both deliver promise, but not if we wait for private companies to do all of the heavy lifting. The Obama Administration believes Internet expansion needs government assistance to overcome the current blockade of access for anyone failing to meet private Return On Investment requirements.

While this sober business analysis has kept private providers from upsetting investors with expensive capital investments, it has also allowed millions of Americans to go without service. The “incremental growth” argument advocated by private providers has allowed the United States’ leadership role on broadband to falter. In both Europe and Asia, even small nations now outpace the United States deploying advanced broadband networks which offer far higher capacity, usually at dramatically lower prices. Usually, other nations one-upping the United States is treated like a threat to national security. This time, the argument is that those other countries don’t actually need the broadband networks they have, nor do we.

The Obama Administration bows to the reality that private companies simply will not invest in unprofitable service areas unless the government helps pick up the tab. But those companies also want the government to spend the money with as little oversight over their networks as possible.

That sets up the classic conflict between the two political parties — Democrats who want to see broadband treated like a critically-important utility that deserves some government oversight in its current state and Republicans who want to leave matters entirely in the hands of private providers who they claim know best, and keep the government out of it.

FCC Chairman Julius Genachowski’s regular cave-ins for the benefit of Big Telecom brought heavy criticism from us for his “cowardly lion” act.

Just about the only thing the two parties agree on is reforming the Universal Service Fund, which had until recently been directing millions to keeping traditional phone service up and running even as Americans increasingly abandon landlines.

But differences quickly emerge from there.

The Obama Administration believes broadband is increasingly a service every American must be able to access if sought. The Romney-Ryan campaign hasn’t spoken to the issue much beyond the general Republican platform that market forces will resolve virtually any problem when sufficient demand arises.

Republicans almost uniformly vociferously oppose Net Neutrality, believing broadband networks are the sole property of the providers that offer the service. Many Republicans characterize Net Neutrality as a “government takeover” of the Internet and a government policy that would “micromanage broadband” like it was a railroad. Somehow, they seem to have forgotten railroad monopolies used to be a problem for the United States in the early 20th century. Robber barons, anyone?

President Obama pushed for strong Net Neutrality protections for Americans, but his FCC chairman Julius Genachowski caved to the demands of AT&T, Verizon, and the cable industry by managing Net Neutrality with a disappointing “light touch” for those providers. (We’d call it “fondling” ourselves.)

Democrats favor wireless auctions and spectrum expansion, but many favor limits that reserve certain spectrum for emerging competitors and for unlicensed wireless use. Republicans trend towards “winner take all” auctions which probably will favor deep-pocketed incumbents like AT&T and Verizon. The GOP also does not support holding back as much spectrum for unlicensed use.

Republicans have been strongly supporting the deregulation of “special access” service, critical to competitors who need backhaul access to the Internet sold by large phone companies like AT&T. Critics contend the pricing deregulation has allowed a handful of phone companies to lock out competitors, particularly on the wireless side, with extremely high prices for access without any pricing oversight. The FCC under the Obama Administration suspended that deregulation last summer, a clear sign it thinks current pricing is suspect.

Romney

Opponents of usage-based pricing of Internet access have gotten shabby treatment from both parties. Republicans have shown no interest in involving themselves in a debate about the fairness of usage pricing, but neither have many Democrats.

As for publicly-owned broadband networks, sometimes called municipal broadband, the Republican record on the state and federal level is pretty clear — they actively oppose community broadband networks and many have worked with corporate front groups like the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) to ban them on the state level. Democrats tend to be more favorable, but not always.

The biggest problem broadband advocates face on the federal and state level is the ongoing pervasive influence of Big Telecom campaign contributions. While politicians uniformly deny that corporate money holds any influence over their voting, the record clearly indicates otherwise. Nothing else explains the signatures from Democrats that received healthy injections of campaign cash from companies like AT&T, and then used the company’s own talking points to oppose Net Neutrality.

But in a story of the lesser of two-evils, we cannot forget AT&T spends even more to promote Republican interests, because often those interests are shared by AT&T:

• AT&T has spent nearly $900,000 on self-identified “tea party” candidates pledged to AT&T’s deregulation policies;
• AT&T gave nearly $2 million to the Republican Governors Association — a key part of their ALEC agenda;
• AT&T gave $100,000 to everyone’s favorite dollar-a-holler Astroturf group — The Heartland Institute, which opposes Net Neutrality and community broadband.

Free Press’ campaign against AT&T’s Net Neutrality violation (click image for further information)

When AT&T customers take delivery of their new iPhone 5 or install Apple’s latest iOS 6 software update, the popular video conferencing app FaceTime will become available to the company’s mobile broadband customers for the first time, if they agree to switch their service to one of AT&T’s new, often more-costly “Mobile Share” plans.

Until now, FaceTime has been limited to Wi-Fi use only, but objections from wireless carriers and some technical limitations kept the popular app from working over 3G or 4G wireless networks.

AT&T’s decision to block the FaceTime app unless a customer changes their current mobile plan has sparked a notification from three public interest groups that they intend to file a formal Net Neutrality complaint against AT&T.

“AT&T’s decision to block FaceTime unless a customer pays for voice and text minutes she doesn’t need is a clear violation of the FCC’s Open Internet rules,” said Free Press policy director Matt Wood. “It’s particularly outrageous that AT&T is requiring this for iPad users, given that this device isn’t even capable of making voice calls. AT&T’s actions are incredibly harmful to all of its customers, including the deaf, immigrant families and others with relatives overseas, who depend on mobile video apps to communicate with friends and family.”

Free Press is joined in the forthcoming complaint by Public Knowledge and the New America Foundation’s Open Technology Institute.

“AT&T’s decision to block mobile FaceTime on many data plans is a direct contradiction of the Commission’s Open Internet rules for mobile providers,” said Sarah Morris, policy counsel for the New America Foundation’s Open Technology Institute. “For those rules to actually protect consumers and allow them to choose the services they use, the Commission must act quickly in reviewing complaints before it.”

AT&T earlier responded claiming they still allow the app to work over Wi-Fi (yours or theirs), so it cannot be a Net Neutrality violation. The company has spent an increasing amount of energy trying to convince regulators that wireless networks, including Wi-Fi, are largely equivalent. So long as a customer can access an app on one of them, there is no violation according to AT&T.

The company also claimed that since FaceTime comes pre-installed on phones, it is exempted from Net Neutrality regulations.

Whether the FCC will believe arguments that access over Wi-Fi is suitable enough to escape scrutiny for blocking an app on AT&T’s own 3G and 4G networks is open to debate.

The Obama Administration’s FCC has taken a lukewarm approach on Net Neutrality, adopting a compromise that is being attacked in court by MetroPCS and Verizon Wireless and considered insufficient protection by most consumer groups.

AT&T has sent the Federal Communications Commission a bait and switch checklist that, despite the stated purpose of modernizing telecommunications networks, would also allow the company to completely abandon its landline network and win near-complete deregulation of its broadband service.

On Tuesday, August 28, Christopher Heimann and I met with Matthew Berry and Nicholas Degani, respectively Chief of Staff and Legal Advisor to Commissioner Pai, to discuss actions the Commission can and should take to facilitate the retirement of legacy TDM-based networks and services and transition to an IP-based Network/Ecosystem, consistent with federal policies and objectives, including those enunciated in the National Broadband Plan.

At the request of Commissioner Pai, AT&T has prepared and is submitting herewith a checklist of those actions, which identifies the critical first steps the Commission should undertake without delay to begin the transition as well as additional steps that would facilitate completion of that transition.

Under the existing statutory and regulatory framework, carriers already can undertake the steps necessary to make the transition, including, in some cases, steps requiring Commission approval (such as withdrawing legacy TDM-based services). But, insofar as the transition raises a number of novel and likely contentious issues, Commission action on the items included on the attached list would greatly facilitate and thus hasten completion of the transition. The steps we identify implicate an array of issues raised in the above-referenced dockets. Accordingly, we are filing the checklist in each such docket.

Respectfully submitted,

Robert W. Quinn, Jr.

AT&T’s letter and attached checklist are documents only a policy wonk or careful observer of Big Telecom could easily navigate. Despite the thicket of opaque terms like “TDM” and the not-immediately-apparent importance of the difference between an “information service” and a “telecommunications service,” AT&T has, to borrow a phrase from President Obama, some brass ones making its intentions perfectly clear.

With the help of Bruce Kushnick, executive director of New Networks Institute and a former telecom industry insider, we will guide you through AT&T’s filing and what it really means.

AT&T lists several “critical first steps” (we have put them in bold) to achieve the transition to an all-IP telecom world, retiring the traditional “public switched telecommunications network” (PSTN) which you know better as a landline.

1. Establish a date certain for an official TDM-services sunset, after which no carrier would be required to establish and maintain TDM-based services/networks, and purchasers of such services (including circuit-switched and dedicated transmission services) would have to switch to IP or other packet-based services.

No casual observer of FCC filings would be expected to understand the implication of setting a date to officially sunset “TDM services.” TDM is synonymous with the landline network Ma Bell established more than 100 years ago — the one that gives you a dial tone, DSL, and access to dial-up Internet where broadband is unavailable. AT&T wants the FCC to manage what the company has not been able to consistently accomplish on the state level: setting a final date when traditional landline service can be permanently disconnected, preferably at the convenience of the phone company.

2. Clarify that any state requirements forcing service providers to maintain TDM networks and services […] following the TDM sunset are preempted. Such requirements could deter investment in broadband, and thus are inconsistent with and pose an obstacle to federal law and policies encouraging the transition to all IP networks and services.

This provision would effectively eliminate any existing state laws or regulations that require AT&T to deliver a fairly-priced, well-run landline service for customers throughout its service area. Some states have not bought into AT&T’s lobbying juggernaut, often delivered with the help of the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC). Despite the enormous sums spent lobbying legislators, some states have kept oversight in place requiring AT&T to serve everyone that wants phone service. With this provision, those state laws and regulations would be pre-empted.

AT&T claims state requirements somehow deter broadband investment, a curious conclusion considering AT&T has already largely ceased its expansion of DSL and U-verse services.

3. Complete action in the IP-enabled services proceeding, and classify such services as information services, subject to minimal regulation only at the federal level. The Commission could permit service providers to offer DSL or other broadband transmission services on a common carrier basis if they so choose, but in no event should a provider be required to do so. 

Quinn

This is AT&T’s provision to kill regulation and destroy competition. Government rules, regulations, and oversight apply largely to “PSTN” landline services, not to IP-based or broadband networks. Basic landline service is designated a “telecommunications service” by the FCC, which makes it subject to regulator review. Broadband, on the other hand, and anything else using IP, is typically classified as an “information service,” where most oversight regulations do not apply.

AT&T’s plan is to shut down today’s landline “telecommunications” service in favor of IP-based Voice over IP, which would effectively reclassify your phone line as an “information service.” That means by changing just one word — “telecommunications” to “information” — AT&T can walk away from a century of basic consumer protection rules and regulations. AT&T also gets a divorce from its telecommunications service obligations as a “common carrier,” which requires AT&T to deliver service to any customer who requests it, at a fair and reasonable price, without changing its form or content.

If AT&T’s broadband networks were reclassified as a “telecommunications service,” Net Neutrality would be easy to enforce under the “without changing its form or content” provision of common carrier rules. Back in the 1996 Telecommunications Act, AT&T’s lobbyists had already made their mark, creating new “distinctions” of telecommunications services, some more regulated than others. Now AT&T is back to kill off the last regulatory obligations it still has to endure, taking Net Neutrality to the grave once and for all.

4. Reform Interconnection – after the official date for the TDM sunset, no carrier or other provider of TDM based services should be entitled to require others to interconnect in TDM. The Commission should take action to maintain the market-based, regulation-free interconnection regime that has applied to IP-based interconnection for decades.

[…] Reform wholesale obligations under section 251/271 to eliminate unbundling, resale, collocation and other requirements that could require ILECs to maintain TDM networks and services.

These particularly opaque sections give AT&T’s competitors real nightmares because they would wipe out requirements that phone companies open certain facilities to competitors who deliver services over AT&T’s network. If AT&T’s recommendation is adopted, no competitor would be safe if AT&T eventually padlocks access to its network.

But AT&T does not want its intentions to be that obvious. It throws a transparent bone to regulators to offer a facade of competition in both this and the preceding recommendation.

AT&T instructs the FCC it can mimic the time-honored patina of an open, competitive industry by allowing AT&T’s competitors to sell DSL or other broadband services over AT&T facilities, but only if AT&T feels like it (at comfortable prices that don’t undercut AT&T).

5. Eliminate regulatory underbrush/superstructure that accompanies TDM-based services. For example, phase out equal access, residual ONA/CEI, record-keeping, accounting, guidebook, dialing parity, payphone, and data collection (which should be limited to that which is collected on the Commission’s Form 477) requirements.

AT&T leaving town.

What AT&T calls “underbrush,” consumers and regulators call oversight and consumer protection.

“Sayonara any telco rules, regulations and oh yes, your rights,” says Bruce Kushnick. “Your service breaks… tough. Prices go up and there’s no direct competition — too bad. Networks weren’t upgraded — so what.”

Kushnick notes this provision would allow AT&T to avoid maintaining a public record of its performance (and its potential abusive practices, bad service, and high prices), including any requirement on the state or federal level to tell the public anything about how well we are being served by the wired monopoly.

Other things on AT&T’s hit list: “Equal Access,” which opened the door to competitive long distance calling and lower rates, “Dialing Parity” which lets you avoid dialing ten (or more) digits for every call (or being forced to learn more complicated numbers for things like directory assistance or other shortened dialing numbers), and public payphones. AT&T’s desire to kill off “residual ONA” refers to the costs to establish Open Network Architecture — the framework for opening up the nation’s phone monopoly for competition. Re-establish the monopoly and there is no reason to fret about the costs to maintain access for competitors AT&T will eventually eliminate.

6. Further reform USF to provide support for broadband regardless of the regulatory classification of broadband services, eliminate any obligation to offer such services on a common carriage basis to be eligible for such support, and provide incentives for service providers to invest and offer services necessary to ensure that no one is left behind by the transition to an all-IP, broadband ecosystem.

The reform of the Universal Service Fund has already opened up opportunities for rural telecommunications companies to apply for broadband infrastructure grants to expand broadband in rural America. Only AT&T has refused to participate in the current round of broadband grants because they do not like the rules. AT&T wants a free hand to receive broadband funding, so long as it faces no questions about where the money gets spent. Under AT&T’s recommendation, the company would receive money with no obligation to ensure everyone who wants broadband in rural America can get it. It also wants the government to hand out money to providers to implement their goal of regulatory nirvana — the conversion of basic landline service to Voice over IP, idolized as the golden calf of ultimate deregulation.

But although providers won’t be left behind, consumers might be:

7. Establish/reform rules to facilitate migration of customers from legacy to IP-based services and to prevent customers that procrastinate or fail to migrate from holding up the transition. For example, establish a process for identifying a default service provider if a customer fails to migrate, and/or permit service providers to notify customers that they will be dropped from service as of a date certain if they have not migrated to an alternative service/service provider. 

This particularly arrogant provision would put a stop to Aunt Maude holding up AT&T’s grand plan to live a regulation-free lifestyle. How dare she drag her feet with AT&T’s agenda at stake? If your elderly parents or extended family don’t understand why AT&T is meddling with their landline service and don’t want to change, AT&T has an unsympathetic solution. Under their recommendation, your parents would find themselves with a “default service provider” they might not want to do business with or, even worse, simply leave them with a dead phone line AT&T has no interest in repairing. But AT&T would likely still get their way. In rural areas they already cover, AT&T would be the “default service provider” because it is the only service provider. If Maude wants her phone line back, the only way she will get it is choosing the migration to Voice over IP AT&T intended all along.

AT&T’s language is remarkably frank, but was never intended to be viewed and explained to the public at large. It was the product of a phone company lobbyist talking to a politician, staffer, or regulator that one day could become an employee of that phone company. The only way to stop this cozy relationship is to tell regulators you are watching (and understanding) the game being played here.

On important issues for the online community, there are some substantial differences between the Democratic and Republican parties, particularly regarding Net Neutrality.

A review of the yas and nays in both party platforms (and past history in Congress) shows your vote can make a difference when Washington ultimately deals with privacy, network traffic, piracy, cybersecurity, and broadband expansion.

Net Neutrality – “Preserving the free and open Internet”: Prohibits providers from discriminating against different types of network traffic for profit or control

• Democrats: Yas
• Republicans: Nay

While the Democratic platform specifically states, “President Obama is strongly committed to protecting an open Internet,” one “that fosters investment, innovation, creativity, consumer choice, and free speech,” Republicans have treated Net Neutrality as anathema to the free market. Although virtually every Republican member of Congress has voted against Net Neutrality or publicly opposed the concept, some Democrats have as well, particularly those who have received significant financial contributions from the largest phone and cable companies lobbying against the policy.

Net Neutrality has not proved to be a major issue in Congress this year, with most of the recent battles taking place at the Federal Communications Commission. FCC chairman Julius Genachowski applauded a ‘third way’ for Net Neutrality, staking out a middle-of-the-road policy that pleased few outside of the FCC. It largely leaves the concept a “suggestion” for wireless carriers. Replete with loopholes and enforcement issues, even wired providers like Comcast have run around the policy for their own benefit.

Network Privacy – Full disclosure when websites track your browsing habits, and how online companies protect your private information

• Democrats: Yas, provisionally
• Republicans: Yas, provisionally

Net privacy is a topic many consumers hear about the most when a website gets hacked and private customer information is stolen in the process. But a growing number of consumers are also concerned about what websites are doing with their information and how their web visits are being tracked for advertising purposes. Large online companies like Facebook and Google have a vested interest in keeping this space as unregulated as possible to maintain lucrative revenue earned selling demographic information to advertisers. But consumers may not want advertisers to know the websites they visit, and members of both political parties have expressed growing interest in taming who gets their hands on your private stuff. Republicans are primarily concerned about tracking by government agencies, Democrats are more concerned with for-profit use of customer data.

The Republican platform abhors government intrusion into private liberty — primarily a reference to certain forms of surveillance. But the GOP platform is silent on enhancing privacy rights of consumers. The Obama Administration has been calling for a “Privacy Bill of Rights” that permits consumers to opt out of web tracking cookies and other tracking technology. Democrats separately want companies to do a better job disclosing and explaining how private information is being used. But Congress, under heavy lobbying to avoid the issue, never acted on the administration’s request.

Expanding Broadband: Finding New Wireless Spectrum and Improved Rural Access

• Democrats: Yas on both
• Republicans: Yas on one, vacillating  on the other

While neither party fully embraces their respective platforms while governing, their stated positions often reflect political positioning when new laws are contemplated.

The Democrats tout both their National Broadband Plan and the Obama Administration’s commitment to find Internet access for 98 percent of the country and expand spectrum available to meet the growing demands for wireless data. The Democratic platform touted President Obama’s proposal to promote wireless broadband as a possible rural Internet solution.

Corporations like AT&T may not be visible on television during the Republican and Democratic National Conventions, but they are throwing lavish parties and shaking hands behind the scenes. They’ll get their money’s worth later.

Behind the scenes at both the Republican and Democratic National Conventions, AT&T is throwing secretive parties, handing out “schwag bags,” and engaging in a legal form of influence peddling to buy themselves goodwill with the eventual election winners.

The Republican National Convention held a week ago in Tampa, Fla. featured lavish, invitation-only parties for politicians attending the convention, sponsored quietly by AT&T.

AT&T went over the top at the Republican event, handing out goodie bags with stuffed elephants emblazoned with the company’s logo, convention pins, and other handouts designed to keep their name front and center with GOP movers and shakers. Tampa Bay Online found the phone company rented out one upscale, popular Tampa restaurant for the entire week, throwing expensive private parties for various state delegations.

The restaurant: Jackson’s Bistro, which locked the doors and turned its back on local regulars for the benefit of GOP high-rollers.

The sponsor: After digging, it turns out the money to rent the upscale eatery came from AT&T, but you wouldn’t know it from the restaurant owner and staff, which have been told to keep their mouths shut about who was paying for supper.

The sneaky: AT&T discovered it could easily navigate around loophole-ridden campaign finance laws which limit corporate-sponsored dinners, but have nothing much to say about “cocktail events.” So as long as diners are standing up while they munch, shake hands, and chat, it’s a-okay.

The mission: To get face time and establish goodwill with political movers and shakers. Feed them, toss them some AT&T flair, and let them know you will be calling on them soon. But no need to overdo it: AT&T can do more talking later… after the politicians get elected and the time is right to get the company’s agenda into the law books.

Keenan Steiner from the non-profit Sunlight Foundation says “this is where the seeds are planted for laws to be written in Washington and in state capitols all over the country.” He notes how important it is for both political parties to have the overwhelming corporate presence that most Americans never understand exists at both conventions:

The significance is, they wouldn’t be here, able to have a good time the whole time, without these corporations. It’s a sort of starting process to become dependent on these corporations. And in Washington, lawmakers require the about 100 lobbyists, over 20 lobbying firms that AT&T hires—they require the work of these folks to get their work done. They’re a sort of legislative subsidy. And they also require these corporations to get re-elected. They want to stay in office, and you better be friends with the Chamber of Commerce, with the NRA, with the big nonprofit groups, the shadowy nonprofit groups, that you really better be friends with them, because, if not, they could drop a lot of money in your district, and they could make you lose an election.

The Sunlight Foundation is tracking corporate money used to break bread and hand out cocktails to your lawmakers.

The Sunlight Foundation reports AT&T has been tilting toward the GOP: The contributions from AT&T’s PAC, employees and their family members to federal candidates total about $3 million for the 2012 cycle, with about two-thirds of the money going to Republican federal officeholders and candidates. Sunlight’s Political Party Time website helps break down where AT&T spends even more money wining and dining legislators.

The Michigan Republican delegation threw its kickoff party there Saturday night, which featured top state lawmakers. Guests at the event went home with a stuffed elephant with an AT&T logo, the Detroit News reported. AT&T also sponsored an Illinois delegation event there on Tuesday afternoon. The Chicago Sun-Times reported that the telecom giant is sponsoring the event, and events lists showed that the Illinois delegates was at Jackson’s that afternoon.

At this week’s Democratic National Convention at the Time Warner Cable Arena in Charlotte, N.C., AT&T’s Death Star logo isn’t hard to spot either.

Amidst the goodie bags and handouts from Indian tribes trying to secure lucrative casino laws, big pharmaceutical companies asking for special favors, and giant energy companies was once again: AT&T.

AT&T’s stuffed GOP elephant. (Democracy Now)

On Tuesday, Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D-Fla.), Democratic national chairwoman, lectured the Republicans about the influence of special interest cash at the Republican National Convention. She referred to the GOP affair as “last week’s special-interest funded, corporate-infused, backroom-deals, smoke-filled room, invitation-only affair that was held in my home state.”

Only the breakfast event where she made the remarks was bought and paid for by AT&T.

AT&T does not splurge on upscale dining for Democrats though. The party that largely opposed AT&T’s merger deal with T-Mobile and often supports Net Neutrality is making due with a far-smaller AT&T hospitality suite serving scrambled eggs and bagels at the inelegant Airport DoubleTree Inn, quite a step down from the Caramelized Diver Scallops and Red Snapper on the menu for the corporate-friendly GOP.

AT&T’s pervasive presence at the Charlotte convention is also upsetting union workers, who turned out in large numbers at the convention. Unionized employees are still fighting with AT&T for a new contract. Already uncomfortable in a state where union workers are virtually an endangered species (to add insult, unions were booked in non-unionized hotels), many were unprepared to feast at AT&T’s breakfast buffet.

“This is one breakfast I won’t be eating,” William Henderson, the president of Local 1298 of the Communications Workers of America told the CT Mirror. “I won’t eat their stuff.”

Only he didn’t say “stuff.”

[flv width=”640″ height=”380″]http://www.phillipdampier.com/video/William Henderson Boycotts ATT Breakfast.flv[/flv]

William Henderson, president of a Connecticut chapter of the Communications Workers of America, stands outside leafleting an AT&T-sponsored breakfast in Charlotte, N.C., displaying a bumper sticker: “AT&T=Greed.”  (1 minute)

What should a good union worker with a gripe against AT&T do instead?  Leaflet the event, to the great potential embarrassment of AT&T officials and Connecticut Democratic lawmakers holding a union grievance brochure in one hand and an AT&T coffee cup in the other.

The room eventually quieted down to listen to former Connecticut Sen. Chris Dodd make remarks… on behalf of the Motion Picture Association of America, who he now represents.

Despite the Snapper-Gap between the two political parties, you cannot miss AT&T in Charlotte. Although convention spokespeople officially refer to corporate sponsors as “providers,” AT&T’s corporate logo is “provided” on every last lanyard handed to delegates and journalists, right next to Barack Obama’s campaign logo.

In case you forgot to charge your cell phone, two AT&T officials are permanently on hand at a table near the entrance to the event offering free battery boosters. But don’t worry, they’ll get paid back for that goodwill later.

[flv width=”448″ height=”276″]http://www.phillipdampier.com/video/Party Time RNC Cash.flv[/flv]

Democracy Now talks with Sunlight Foundation’s Keenan Steiner who shares the secrets of corporate cash at the Republican National Convention in Tampa.  (18 minutes)